This was the prompt for the panel: "Vacancy is one of the defining residues of deindustrialization. It produces vacant land,vacant homes, and even lives that seem evacuated of purpose. Vacancy, in this sense, registers a nagging loss. It materializes decline. But it also points toward futures that are yet-to-be determined. This panel begins from the premise that vacancy invites a battle over futures and proceeds to ask: What kind? What sorts of futures do differently situated groups seek to create from industrial residues? Do these futures exacerbate longstanding inequalities? Do they enact an otherwise? Can they do both? And how do the historical, material, and affective remnants of what came before assert themselves as people try to imagine something new?
The papers in this double session all take up the afterlives of ruination, moving from the abandoned shopping malls of suburban America to tent cities inhabited by refugees. They take up empty homes, repurposed buildings, and vacant land in the US and abroad, clustered primarily in former steel towns and port cities. All of these spaces have been shaped by loss in one form or another—fire, demolition, migration, eviction— but they are not exactly backward-looking. On the contrary: all are spaces where more than one vision of the future is angling to take hold. They are spaces where loss has
created particular kinds of openings. In the process of mapping these openings, this panel invites wide-ranging theory work around the concept of vacancy. Panelists ask how vacancy is classed and raced, rendered visible and invisible, made available for intervention, and experienced temporally. They also consider whether claims of emptiness might be more precisely understood as claims about who has a right to the post-industrial city.
While all participants take up the relationship between emptiness and opportunity, papers in the first panel emphasize the complex forces behind late industrial “displacements,” while panels in the second highlight vacancy’s constitutive “openings.” "
On Corn and Soybean Futures
While megacities are routinely declared to be not just the fashion globally, but a statistically real future-home for much of the world’s population, throughout the Midwestern U.S., peripheral, rural areas are achieving human population densities many times as diffuse as the global average. In many of these especially rural places, notions that this process is correlated with some broader de-industrialization pattern are difficult to imagine, as this change in the distribution of people in territory is coupled to numerous examples of industrial intensification. In places like this, “the future” maintains a tremendous amount of imagined continuity with the corporate, agribusiness, techno-futurist mask donned by settler colonialism in the immediate post- WWII U.S., but, crucially, articulated from within some imagined rural space and as a rural person. Outside points of industrial intensification, the specifically-human social landscape empties out: closing shops; obsolescing civic organizations, institutions, churches; re-orienting basic social services and civic patterns around streamlined superhighways of asphalt and fiber-optics.
Any vacancy is at once an enclosure. To confront the significance of vacancy in the contemporary U.S. as a scholar means necessarily to begin in the midst of a nested series of incomplete enclosures and not-quite-ever vacancies. The huddled masses yearning to breathe free require the legal, theoretical and military apparatuses of dispossession, not just to officiate the spiritual and territorial evacuation of the “new” land they came to possess, but to themselves be rendered in poor, wretched, tired need of said land in the first instance. This is perhaps why vacancy broadly, but especially as a sign of social decline under a settler-colonial paradigm, has to be proactively, even cheerily, ignored by settlers in its midst.
Given the popularity of explicitly human-rights-oriented, anti-racist, inclusive politics in the institutional landscape of the last several years, with the exception of the state and political landscape itself, the enduring presence and regular reemergence of variably-abstracted, violent, mascot images, each silently indexing the historical trauma of native dispossession, can no longer simply manifest destiny, but instead necessarily create an ambivalence that differentially undercuts and bolsters settler claims to territory. This mobilization of vacancy-images points to a removal that must be racialized, primitivized, and/or otherwise removed from any historical or contemporary continuity with any particular place. The strategies of settler colonialism necessitate the creation and curation of particular public stages, theatrical sets projecting a façade of generalized placelessness or place-blindness.
In what follows, I’ll talk about the relationship of vacancy and industry/deindustrialization in rural northern Iowa. In particular, I’ll try to characterize this rurality and its particularity, then I’ll offer a rather rapid-fire accounting of vacancy’s social and institutional anatomy, after which I’ll focus briefly on a particular tech that certain settler populations have engineered for diving under the social shockwaves emanating from the industrial intensifications that have characterized at least the last 65 years of agricultural development.
Part 1: How Forest Cities Think
In rural settings, given their already low human population density, the magic of the built environment and its various social media, its capacity to affect a proper nature/culture dualism, would seem to be at its most tenuous. In my home and field site of Winnebago County, IA, the county seat is a town of about 4,500 people called Forest City. For a few years in the 2000’s and early 2010’s, the chamber of commerce covered the town in a variety of signage bearing the slogan: “Where Nature’s Close, And Friends Are Closer.” In his book, How Forests Think (2013), Eduardo Kohn, dipping into C.S. Peirce, elaborates a vision of the rainforest and its myriad denizens as differentially empowered participants in a tangle of hierarchically emergent registers of interpretation (49). It’s his contention that the hard divide between human intelligence and that of other life-forms that has accompanied industrial modernity in the West softens under the stoichiometric logic of Peircean semeiotics, wherein thresholds of firstness - iconicity, resemblance or indistinction, sheer quality - spill into secondness - factuality, reaction, indexicality - and then again into thirdness - generality, convention, argument, law, symbol. To be in the forest is to find oneself open to all manner of possibility for non-human lifeforms to inundate one’s body and mind with signs, and, in turn, to tune one’s conscious and unconscious thought to the shapes and colors and movements by which life enlists matter (51-53). According to Kohn, the major part of forest significance conducts via the basic protocols of iconicity and indexicality. Symbolic thought, it seems to Kohn, is the category where human interaction emerges and diverges from the semeiotics of other life (60).
Since my first time reading through Kohn’s book, I’ve maintained an admittedly somewhat cheeky desire to articulate a counterpoint that would get at How Forest Cities Think. For our purposes today, I’d like to point out two things with respect to the mind of a small, rural, “city,” or what passed for a city up until the last century. First, the iconic and indexical presence of modern, built space in the U.S. cleaves toward a continuous, rigid, Euclidean framing at as many registers as it can conceivably influence: time, texture, proportion, shape, color, position, etc. Furthermore, and by contrast to the rainforest image Kohn provides, the symbolic presence of the built environment takes ultimate precedence as the zone in which ties to things and land and people can be officially established. Second, the builtness of the built environment stands out, and its edge discloses a continuous line of weird and unruly overlap, of sprouting and crushed vegetation, of spreading corrosion, of termites and rats, of loose concrete disintegrating into sand. Interpretation of this weird line seems to cut through the population like so much processed American cheese, but not cleanly. The ragged, ongoing, cut leaves people with localized, immanent, boreal tendencies set at idiosyncratic angles to some not-insignificant reverence toward all the flashy propositions and admonitions of urban, human, symbol-games. In the course of a given life, these elements combine gradually and seamlessly, and rural people become highly personalized articulations of often highly dynamic admixtures of these built and boreal (environ)mental tendencies.
Part 2: Industry Loves Vacancy
It’s hard to imagine at this point the effort that would be required to really reach vacancy in the settled parts of the world. In Iowa, the substrate of settlement dates back beyond the Northwest Ordinances, specifically the Land Ordinance of 1785 (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Land_Ordinance_of_1785), which laid out the survey patterns that would render the continent into vacant jurisdictions to be divided and sold for settlement. By 1846, Iowa had become a state, and plant and animal relatives of dispossessed Native people faced abrupt ecosystemic vacancies (“Iowa Indian Tribes.”). Intensifying land speculation nested vacancies within vacancies, the Homestead Acts brought a comprehensive occupation of the land by armed, white households who could get in the swing of farming quickly enough to survive and eventually augment the economy of the county through commerce and taxes. According to 2017’s census estimates, the percentage of Iowa’s population that claims Native ancestry is 0.3% (https://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?src= bkmk).
The ancestor settlers who first occupied these lands have generally left behind little sense of the conditions and ideas that motivated their radical relocations. We descendants have managed to get by feeling sufficiently human a few ghostly photographs, a rotten trunk, maybe a few words. Within a generation or two, the mechanization of agriculture, the Great Depression, the New Deal and WWII would inaugurate the creation of an extremely elaborate food system in which farmers have been financially induced to scale up their operations as much as possible by relying on increasingly elaborate facilities, equipment, fertilizers, insecticides, herbicides, genetically modified seeds, computerized control and crop analysis, and artificial insemination. The plat maps of Winnebago County from even 1983, which at the turn of the 20th century show a blanket of names attached to 40, 80 and 160 acre plots (http://www.historicmapworks.com/Map/US/470552/Newton+Township/Winneba go+County+1913/Iowa/), show the consolidation of the rural population as fewer names occupy larger and larger tracts (http://www.historicmapworks.com/Map/US/126761/Code+11+++Newton+Townsh ip/Winnebago+County+1983/Iowa/). In many rural counties affected by the major structural changes in U.S. agriculture, nothing has emerged to soak up the human labor squeezed out of the farm economy and people have left. In the case of Winnebago County, a group of Forest City investors enticed a California-based travel-trailer manufacturer to open a plant in Forest City, before buying them out and changing the name to Winnebago Industries. A collection of interviews released by the Winnebago County Historical Society last summer features interviews with workers from the early days, describing the feverish process by which they cobbled their early motorhomes together, working to transcribe their designs only after the fact. The factory burned to the ground, everything had to be rediscovered, but then the factory took off, spilled new money into the town, and remains a major employer for the region and its brand a ubiquitous presence on the roadways and screens of the U.S..
The shift from farming to a manufacturing/wage-labor economy has maintained population numbers in Forest City since the postwar era, but overall the county grows increasingly vacant, and little old farm houses and groves all over the landscape gradually rot and sink and are reborn as more cropland. In the United States, we have seen an almost inconceivable developmental leap in this time, reducing the human population directly involved with agriculture from the still current global average of roughly 40% to less than half a percent (https://techcrunch.com/video/monsanto- acquires-the-climate-corporation/). It seems highly doubtful, even based on future- projections as dated as those of Earl Butz (https://www.nytimes.com/1976/06/13/archives/why-they-love-earl-butz- prosperous-farmers-see-him-as-the-greatest.html), whether any significant portion of the people presently involved in the day to day operations of commercial farming will remain politically or economically important to agribusiness.
So, factory or not, high-tech agriculture or not, the effect has been a hollowing of the civic landscape. The ramshackle old commercial uptown is generally a ghost town. The theater’s former owner retired without a buyer. It was plucked from vacancy by a non-profit organization. HUD matching funds were offered to businesses who would spend money to bring their facades into alignment with a particular historicized aesthetic devised by the chamber of commerce and an outside expert. A few owners bit, others took the opportunity to do their own unsanctioned renovations, one announced their refusal of outside funding with a printed sign in the window. The hospitals that used to serve the healthcare community have become an assisted living facility and a county jail. The former hospital/county jail was recently closed over asbestos concerns. The local paper, now subsidiary of a corporation which manages some 40,000 such papers throughout the country, covered the city council proceedings regarding the issue, emphasizing the excitement of council members regarding the possibility of creating additional parking (https://globegazette.com/community/forestcitysummit/news/local/supervisors- discuss-what-to-do-with-old-lec-in-forest/article_293eaa94-bb2b-56e5-b1d2- b6e13e209e40.html). Parking on the streets in uptown Forest City between 2 and 6 AM is a ticketable offense. Every night, the city meticulously curates its emptiness. The smaller, outlying county towns rarely fill.
Part 3: Openings?
Opening this landscape to alternative possibilities seems glaringly obvious given all this emptiness, economic malaise and the generally low cost of rural living, but this is not so simple. In practice, the people who would do such opening have been captured by student debt and/or have been educated for export along the well-known trajectories referred to as the rural brain drain. While this seems an opportune place for the fomenting of things like Katherine Stewart’s “Other epistemologies” (Stewart 1996, 29), the agribusiness, economic reductionism of the rural Midwest effectively exports critique, and especially anything that appears to be critique as such. Idiosyncrasies remain largely personal, solitary, hidden in nooks and crannies of the vast landscape. Opening local vacancies and displacements runs counter to the ongoing depopulation and industrial intensification processes, which have consolidated and, whenever possible, outsourced official, actionable, knowledge-making, mediation powers to distant population centers. Biographically speaking, I was educated in this milieu and nurtured for export, to work in a knowledge-making capacity in some population center. The openings and opportunities my work seeks to map/manifest remain aspirational, largely my own ethnographic-historical collage, and a facet of my statistically uncommon return to this particular field. Michael Taussig, in his article “The Corn Wolf: Writing Apotropaic Texts” (2010), characterizes agribusiness as "magical, disguised as anything but", "resolutely rooted in science as anything but ritual" (30). Agribusiness generates a vast network of theaters of public, close-knit, common-sensical, seriousness, while dismissing other scopes and styles of performance.
In the case of Forest City though, we might see the commodity product of all this settlement and development as an opposite, distinct embrace of vacancy, and one that mimics its basic disregard for place. To take off in a recreational vehicle, to adopt a motorhome lifestyle means suspending yourself entirely at the intersection of supply chain and wilderness, embracing placelessness, while at the same time expanding your home, your domestic horizon, the sanctuary of your idiosyncracies, to the ends of the road. Your life becomes one of calculating, controlled vacancy: seeking attention, social, human, symbolic interaction when the mood strikes or you need to stop by Wal-Mart for supplies; camping, exposing yourself to the signs of non-human beings, when you don’t.
Anthropologists Counts and Counts, who wrote about senior RV travelers in the 90’s, and James B. Twitchell, who wrote a book called Winnebago Nation (2014) each focus on concepts and images like nomad, pioneer, freedom, gypsy, and Indian, in characterizing the Winnebago phenomenon, and there is certainly some truth to those aspects. But what I see in an overriding sense is twofold: first, a mascot that presents a shibboleth of scope. Using the name Winnebago with such disregard, imprecision, ignorance and greed, given what it indexes for Native people, should be condemned, but we should also grasp that what it does in practice is to automatically weed out people for whom this disgusting symbolic reverberation takes precedence, and to confine the scope of interpretation to the time and place of encounter. “You must capitulate,” this frame tells us, “for the scope of this interaction, to a bad textbook history of naturalized, primitivized, Native disappearance before the march of American progress. It is a done deal.”
Second, it is an enormous mask, a special pass, a sign aimed in a more earnest and apotropaic direction precisely toward the ascendant technomass of the modern world. Recreation is the correct counterpart, the release valve, to work. If you want to be in perfect symbolic accord with the serious, down-to-earth, image of work ethic you’ve been cultivating, while living a life of complete immersion in the immanence of home, family, forest, and big box store, you must have a machine that can effectively bend space-time to touch those things. Donning such a rolling, gas-sucking, money-pit, mech-suit, which appears so nihilistic and obtuse from any number of critical ecological perspectives, constitutes, from the other side, a supreme act of faith in the never-say-die spirit of technological optimism. This is not a sovereign faith, but a sincere, at times uneasy, belief that must be confronted through the cautious attempt at mimetic, sympathetic magic, at drawing close to danger to try to move along with the movements of its power and work through the unconscious foreboding it stirs in your body. The hum of the engine itself miniaturizes and domesticates the shuddering industrial groan of great cities.
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